Arab Idol and Policing Identities

Popular Emirati singer, Ahlam, also a judge on the Arab Idol singing show, made the following comments in reference to a contestant's Kurdish identity: 

I'm against when they always say we support Morocco, we support Iraq, we support Syria, we support the Khaleej ... But today, really, I want to send a message of love to Iraq ... I'm against when Parwas's [contestant name] is written saying she is from Kurdistan, because Kurdistan is part of Iraq and from today, I want you [pointing at Parwas] name to be Parwas from Iraq and not from Kurdistan. 

The show itself showcases the musical talents of people from across the region. Whether from Morocco or Iraq, all singers competing in the show sing in Arabic--meaning, the show is supposed to be a pan-Arabic show not a "pan-Arab" show. However, clearly from the statement of Ahlam, we see how identities and language are examined through media and entertainment industries in the region.

A Weapon of Racial Exclusion

Arab Idol reflects multiple layers of the interconnectivity of pop culture and politics. The show is broadcasted on the Middle East Broadcasting Center (MBC), a company that was initially founded in London and whose headquarters later moved to Dubai. Its owner is Waleed bin Ibrahim, a member of the Saudi royal family through the marriage between his sister and the late King Fahd. Considering the extent to which "private sector" and authoritarian regimes operate so closely, especially as they are often sustainers of one another through a close marriage of patronage, political loyalty, and nepotism, MBC can hardly be called a private network.

"I Knew You Were Moroccan"

There's unwanted attention because of gender. There's unwanted attention because the "pursuant" interprets the pursued's choice of dress as an invitation.  There's sometimes unwanted attention because of race. And the list continues. I have personally experienced all of the above and wanted to add another one to the mix: unwanted attention because of nationality.

When I began this blog with my friend Mona Kareem, it emerged out of a need to address stereotypes within our region, especially towards women. From the Maghreb to the Gulf, the stereotypes generated in these societies have unfortunately led to hate, violence, even state-imposed policies. My awareness of the stereotypes towards Moroccan women only heightened following my increased interaction with Arab men, whether it was for professional, academic, or social reasons. A recent (and very unwanted) experience only further exposed me to these stereotypes.

The experience took place during a recent private and intimate reception, featuring one of the region's most prominent musical minds. My own interest in music stems from over 10 years of playing the viola. This artist had been a musical inspiration following my discovery of his work and I was very keen on listening to him perform. Given the small number at the event, conversing with him was super easy and before I knew it, we were discussing Arabic music over dinner. The conversation began with "I knew you were Moroccan from your first words." I, of course, would realize the implications of his discovery later.

The Fluidity of Gender in Francophone Maghrebi Literature

The journey of self-discovery is a recurring theme in francophone Maghrebi literature and film. Characters are often placed in a struggle against forces in both French and Maghrebi society, where authors and directors evoke various themes through which characters define themselves. Despite the differences in how characters choose to define themselves, the similarity they share is that these identities are not rigid. They are fluid and are shaped by a multitude of factors that can be traced to power and power contributes to perceptions and the day-to-day experiences in these societies. One of the common ways characters embark on this journey of self-discovery is through gender. Two characters who do this differently are Nina in Garçon manqué by Nina Bouraoui and Zahra in La nuit sacrée by Tahar ben Jelloun. Each of these characters demonstrates the complexity of gender, the ways in which power shapes these complexities, and how, throughout their evolution as characters, they flow between identifying as male and female for different reasons. In both stories, gender remains central in their quest to define themselves as individuals.

Before diving into the different ways Nina and Zahra approach their identities through gender and how power plays a role in their realities and experiences, these two characters share an important similarity. Throughout both the book and the film, the characters do not maintain one gender. They both, at different moments in the development of their respective stories, identify both as male and female. Moreover, the evolution of their characters and the progression of the plot centers on the change in their self-identification. It is  a central conflict for both characters. They also share a similarity regarding the terms of gender they choose to define themselves with—a decision shaped by a combination of voluntary choices and imposed definitions, whether from society or specific people in their lives.

In Nina Bouraoui’s book, Garçon manqué, Nina narrates her experiences as the child of an Algerian father and a French mother. Nina must explore her identity in a world of "opposing dualities," as she frames it. Despite the fact that she was born in France, she grew up in Algeria and a vast majority of her self-discovery took place in Algeria. Beyond the conflicts she faces as a person of mixed origins, she finds refuge in the creation of alternative identities that serve multiple objectives. At the beginning, all the alternative identities, namely her identity as Ahmed, Brio, and Steve, are all male. However, for the sake of concision, her alternative identity as Ahmed will serve as the most relevant example in this context. One of the reasons Nina creates this identity as Ahmed is due to the patriarchal nature of Algerian society. Nina recognizes that men have the greatest amount of privilege and she seeks to attain this privilege by identifying as male. While it may seem that this decision is based on a voluntary choice, the powers in society rooted in this dominant patriarchal narrative are what push her to make this decision. Nina says, “I want to be a man. To be a man in Algeria means to become invisible” (Bouraoui 37). She repeats this desire to attain masculine privilege when she describes her childhood friend, Amine, who is male. She says, “His body is what I desire” (Bouraoui 28). Through physical and psychological means, Nina embarks on a path where she begins to discover herself as Ahmed.

Saudi Feminism In The Social Realm: In Defense of Personal Revolutions

[Image of Loujain al-Hathloul. Screenshot taken from Youtube video.]

The following is a guest post written by Nora Abdulkarim. She tweets at @Ana3rabeya and blogs at Ana3rabeya.

“‘Cover up, you woman!’, [they say]. But I won’t cover, and your trashy way of offering religious advice won’t work with me”, proclaimed a Saudi woman named Loujain al-Hathloul in a video posted on her “keek” account. She then laughed, and began to show her “keek” followers various campus buildings at the University of British Columbia in Canada, where she studies French Literature. A day or two later, her video went viral among general Twitter users. She is now the #1 top-viewed Saudi user on "keek", and the #18 top-viewed user in All Countries

Understanding Authentic Acts & Defining “Personal Revolutions”

I admit; my first impression was that the video was juvenile, since it wasn't exactly the most serious attempt to start a debate on the interplay of societal pressure and religious practice. Many who are mainly focused on the political dismissed her videos outright as just reckless and pointless.

But, I am reminded of an old conversation I once had, in which I was asked simply, “why must every act have a point or a purpose in the grand scheme of things?” I remember, I’d never thought of it that way before, and soon came across Nietzsche’s warning against this same tendency in understanding human affairs, “mistrust all systematizes and avoid them. The will to a system is a lack of integrity”.

It does make sense, when one thinks about it. In all honesty, who has not had such frivolous moments? Who has not spontaneously poked at fire, seeking the thrill of watching its sparks fly? Life would be a bore without these bursts of valor, as silly as they may appear at first. As Heraclitus, one of the first Ancient Greek philosophers to favor rebellious thought, said, “Man is most nearly himself when he achieves the seriousness of a child at play”. And so, in her playful seriousness, Loujain was asserting her Self. And socially, even the smallest of such authentic assertions can be considered personal revolutions.

Madawi Al-Rasheed: Gulf States Co-opt Women's Mobilization and Replace it with State Feminism

Dr. Madawi Al-Rasheed - Picture from Fria Tidningen

v  Maghrebi women proved they are not a homogeneous mass but are differentiated by class, education, and economic situation.

v  Saudi women have opted to bargain with the state because they were not able to unionize.

v  Arab uprisings led to breaking the taboo of women in the public sphere, demonstrating and asking for rights.

v  The Saudi regime wants us to believe that we only have a problem of women.

v  I cannot accept that because I am a woman I am only allowed to talk about women's issues.

v  Saudi youth need to learn lessons from Tunisian youth about how to seek rights by action.

  

Bil3afya: After the Arab Spring, how do you place women struggles in the Gulf and Maghreb regions?

Madawi Al-Rasheed: The Arab uprisings brought about the well-known struggles of women in both the Gulf and the Maghreb that was fermenting in the twentieth century. In the Maghreb, women were part of national struggles for liberation throughout the anti-colonial struggles but failed to gain rights after decolonization with the exception of some measures under the discourse of modernization and nationalism. They were disappointed with the patronage of male national elites and felt betrayed by the state feminism that dominated the policies of many Maghreb governments. They participated in the recent uprisings throughout North Africa from Cairo to Rabat, moving beyond slogans that touch them as women to national politics, and demonstrating the limits of state feminism under dictatorships. They proved that they are not a homogenous mass but differentiated by class, education and economic situation. They showed diversity in solutions they sought to improve the conditions of the entire nation rather than simply one section of society. They were Islamists, liberals and ideologically non-committed individuals who simply wanted freedom, dignity and justice. After the success of the revolts, they reverted back to their niches as activists grounded in one position, which threatens to divide not only the cause of emancipation but also the nation itself. I hope the opening of the political systems allows women of all political persuasions to voice their dissent without the threat of arrest or even death.